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The Dayton shooter seems to fall into this category. The El Paso shooter was from an intact family who taught values but he was a white male who felt powerless to stop rampant immigration. He traveled miles from Dallas to El Paso to pull off a mass murder of Hispanics at a border town. What apparently provoked both shooters, although differently, were certain provocative political symbols not ideology per se or their family constellation or psychology.

Neither of these two shooters were part of an organized network of white supremacists or even Leftist Antifa although the Dayton shooter was sympathetic with Antifa. There was no conspiracy in either case because neither the Democratic Party or Antifa on one hand, or the Republican Party and Trump, communicated or colluded with either of them. Ideology may have predisposed each of them in different directions, but it was a symbolic provocation that apparently brought them to act.

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In other words, these evil acts were a choice, not predetermined by family background or psychology or explainable by some reductionist theory. Modern society is pluralistic, meaning filled with competing symbols and ideologies. No one institution having a monopoly, institutions and their ideological justifications are weak.

But filling this weakness is mass media. I certainly hope no psychologist would dispute the importance of what sociologists say about symbols and identity formation. But then I also hope no socioligist would deny that the best hope remains trying to reach people through actual communities.

Both disciplines generally agree with your point, I should think, about disputing simple causation or any form of predictable predetermined necessity to human action. Your email address will not be published. Notify me of follow-up comments by email. Notify me of new posts by email. This site brings together serious debate, commentary, essays, book reviews, interviews, and educational material in a commitment to the first principles of law in a free society. About Contact Staff. In this instance, I would listen to the psychologists and not the historian.

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Ideology - Credo Reference

See the book of Romans chapter 1 verses Leave a Reply Cancel reply Your email address will not be published. Home About Staff Contact Archive. This site uses local and third-party cookies to analyze traffic. If you want to know more, click here. By closing this banner or clicking any link in this page, you agree with this practice. Close navigation. Related Terms. System of ideas that explains and lends legitimacy to actions and beliefs of a social, religious, political, or corporate entity.

Use 'ideology' in a Sentence The beauty of the American constitution is that the first amendment gives all citizens the right of freedom of speech regardless of their ideology. When marketing your products, it is critical to consider and to be sensitive to the ideology of consumers because religious beliefs may prohibit certain individuals from purchasing or even using them.

The facts that had presented to Richard were clear, but Richard's ideology prevented him from accepting the truth, regardless of what he had been shown. Show More Examples.

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You Also Might Like And neo-conservatism has been mugged by reality in the backstreets of Baghdad. Moreover, the exhaustion with big conservative ideas does not look like being replaced by an enthusiasm for big liberal ideas. The American left is certainly in a frenzy at the moment. Granted, most leftists cling to the flotsam and jetsam of old ideologies, from support for oppressed minorities to enthusiasm for more government spending on health care.

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But big-government liberalism lacks the coherence it had in the s. It is a measure of the American left's ideological exhaustion that, during the last election, it was reduced to rallying around Howard Dean, a man who supported gun rights and fiscal prudence.

The Alternative to Ideology

What about the centre? Back in , Bill Clinton came to power with a compelling vision for updating liberalism. Drop shop-worn ideas about protectionism and industrial policy. Accept the wealth-creating power of globalisation. But prepare people to deal with increased competition by investing in education and training. This remains intellectually plausible. But it has lost much of its grip on the imagination. September 11th has raised difficult questions about the underside of globalisation. The left has embraced protectionism with renewed fervour.

And the Democratic Party as a whole has never reconciled its enthusiasm for investing in education with its alliance with the most reactionary force in the educational world, the teachers' unions.


This exhaustion with big ideas is going hand in hand with a growing enthusiasm for pragmatism. The two most prominent candidates for the presidential election—Hillary Clinton and John McCain—are both willing to mix and match ideas from across the political spectrum.

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She has formed public partnerships with conservatives such as Rick Santorum on protecting children from sex and violence in the media and Newt Gingrich on health-care reform. Mr McCain is even more of a maverick: more hawkish on Iraq than Mr Bush but also more left-wing on everything from campaign finance to taxation. This is not to say that America is now free from ideological temptation.